Contribution of Revolutionary Communist Party of France

Dear Comrades,

The Revolutionary Communist Party of France would first like to thank the Communist Party of Turkey for organizing this conference, which focused on a topic that allowed the various parties of the ECA to exchange views:

imperialist alliances, their role in today’s imperialist wars, and anti-popular attacks—primarily by the EU and NATO.

While this topic has already been the subject of previous discussions, our party wishes to emphasize the value of further exploration that this new meeting affords. Indeed, rather than repeating experiences or positions that our party has already addressed, the current state of class struggles provides an opportunity to go further in the analytical work already underway and to learn from the experiences of other parties, enabling the EC A to engage in long-termwork on themes central to the struggle of communists today.

Dear comrades,

At the conference on the “Euro-Atlantic war machine” in September 2025, our party argued that the EU’s and NATO’s war plans in the Middle East and Ukraine, as well as the anti-popular offensives carried out in each of our countries, are evidence of a unified strategy. Indeed, while imperialism cannot be limited to the actions and plans of the world’s most powerful states—and while we are far from the naïve image of a “West ern bloc,” let alone a closed system that dictates its will as it pleases— NATO and the EU demonstrate a certain permanence for various bourgeoisies, such as those of the U.S., France, Germany, and Turkey. This continuity stems from the need for common strategic objectives spanning decades; imperialist alliances—primarily the EU and NATO—enable, through their very functioning, a capacity for economic and military projection that no single bourgeoisie can achieve on its own within the imperialist system.

Thus, with regard to NATO and the EU, our party views this as the strategy for a “New Middle East,” one of the starting points of which can be traced to the early 2000s with the imperialist invasions of Iraq and Afghanistan. This strategy aims to create a regional zone where the working class can be exploited at the lowest possible cost for the bourgeoisies of NATO and the EU, to compete with Chinese monopolies by securing a sphere of influence through military force in the region, and to weaken bourgeoisies that are already weak within the global imperialist system, in order to carve up the various nations. Today, as the imperialist war against Iran continues, we are witnessing the pursuit of these objectives and their ongoing implementation.

In Lebanon, the destruction of dozens of villages in the south, the human and material losses inflicted on a nation already shattered by economic and financial crises since 2019, the weak and unstable position of Lebanese monopolies, and the Zionist state’s new military occupation of Lebanon are all part of a pattern of dismemberment familiar in the region. This dismemberment is reminiscent of that of Syria, where the Israeli state is taking advantage of the expansion of its occupation of Lebanon to link these areas to the recently conquered territories in southern Syria. Israeli monopolies are threatening the highway linking Turkey, Jordan, and Saudi Arabia, exploiting the new jihadist regime of HTS and a ruined economy to better advance their own military positions. The Palestinian question

is central to this strategy: the expansion of settlement activity in the West Bank, as well as the imperialist international administration of Gaza, allows for control over Gaza’s hydrocarbon reserves and exclusive economic zones, and enables the implementation of Zionist settlement plans to crush all resistance there.

Dear comrades,

While this NATO strategy is of particular concern to us and demonstrates the enduring nature of our common goals, the EU also demonstrates this enduring nature, as well as the transformations that an alliance enables for its member bourgeoisies. Thus, the EU is today the alliance through which the member bourgeoisies seek to build strategic economic and military independence within the global imperialist system. We are thinking, for example, of the issue of rare earth elements. The Chinese bourgeoisie has imposed export licenses on seven rare earth elements and on the permanent magnets derived from them. Indeed, Chinese monopolies now process virtually all of the world’s rare earths after extraction, which gives them unparalleled leverage over the supply chains for electric motors, wind turbines, and defense equipment. In this situation, China must contend with alternative extraction plans that the EU is attempting to promote, such as “RessourceEU,” and the “national plan on rare earths” specifically promoted by France. These two distinct plans incorporate the EU’s monetary and customs tools so that each bourgeoisie, at different levels, can coordinate its autonomy on these issues.

Aside from rare earths, the issue of energy is one of the key pillars of the autonomy sought by the imperialist EU.

We are thinking, for example, of a joint declaration and some thirty agreements covering strategic and promising sectors—including hydrocarbons, renewable energy, the energy transition, the pharmaceutical industry, manufacturing, and cutting-edge technologies—signed in July between Germany and Algeria. This agreement between the two countries is in fact part of the EU’s new energy strategy for the Mediterranean, with the European Commission positioning Algeria as a potential new key ally with the ambition of transforming the southern Mediterranean basin into a vast platform for green electricity production. The initiative, dubbed T-MED, is expected to mobilize up to 25 billion euros in investments by 2035. Beyond production, Algeria is also envisioned as a potential link in future energy corridors between the two shores of the Mediterranean, allowing the EU to reduce its dependence on the United States or powers such as Russia in the wake of the imperialist war in Ukraine. Furthermore, the continuation of the inter-imperialist war in Ukraine as a lever for this EU autonomy also demonstrates its strategic enduring nature.

Dear comrades,

It is within these various strategic structures—which serve as the bedrock for different imperialist alliances—that the unequal development of each bourgeoisie and the productive forces takes place. Indeed, one cannot analyze these various continuities without also analyzing the inevitable contradictions—tactical or otherwise—for each bourgeoisie participating in these plans, which provoke crises (such as the one in Hormuz, for example), political instability, and constant threats of increased military involvement to the detriment of the working class everywhere.

Our party believes, for example, that within the framework of the “New Middle East” strategy promoted by NATO, there are contradictions between France and the U.S. regarding the expansion of Zionist military projects. Indeed, the central role played by the bourgeoisies of the Gulf states—Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, and Bahrain—in supplying oil and hydrocarbons to French monopolies leads to an ambivalent stance regarding the continuation of the imperialist war in Iran. Thus, the French bourgeoisie, on the one hand, actively supports or abets imperialist wars in the Middle East, while on the other hand calling for “de-escalation” and investing militarily and economically in various nations to serve its own interests. We are thinking of Bahrain, where an imperialist agreement covering military equipment, industrial investments, and intelligence cooperation was signed as early as February 2026. We are also thinking in this regard of the United Arab Emirates, where France ranks as one of the leading foreign investors in terms of FDI. Recent Iranian retaliatory strikes against U.S. bases in various Gulf nations are tactically undermining French contracts and investments that require stability, which explains the dangerous balancing act that has been underway for years.

Our party also considers the context—this time more specific to the EU—of competition among the various bourgeoisies to secure a leading role in the imperialist alliance’s project of military and strategic autonomy. In this context, the Franco-German monopoly duo—each with its own strengths and weaknesses, with one expanding in certain sectors at the expense of the other, yet without either bourgeoisie currently holding a clear advantage—is a vivid manifestation of such contradictions within the same imperialist project.

Indeed, Merz’s bourgeois government, for example, has cut its growth forecast for 2026 in half—from 1.0% to 0.5%—amid the energy crisis triggered by the war in Iran beginning in April 2026: even more dependent than France, these contradictions have left it isolated on this front. The construction in Norderstedt, in northern Germany, of a new 3,000 m² French facility entirely dedicated to the maintenance and support of helicopter engines also confirms Airbus-Safran’s dominance of the sector. France also benefits from its very powerful banking sector, which enables rapid profits in sectors such as defense and new technologies. Faced with this sector, German monopolies could also make up for the effects of long-term inertia through the unprecedented development of their arms and defense sector.

For example, the KNDS consortium—a partnership between German monopolies and French state funding that plays a significant role in ammunition production for France—will eventually come under majority German ownership over the long term. . In the end, it was the latter that prevailed, meaning that KNDS will benefit German monopolies financially more than France in the coming years. Our party does, however, note certain sectors where German capital has been able to capitalize on developments in the Middle East, gaining a foothold in sectors such as aluminum, and seeing significant improvements due to a less-than-expected decline in GDP during the first two quarters.

Dear comrades,

For our party, imperialist alliances thus form a coherent whole centered on robust common strategic objectives, as well as contradictions—whether tactical or not—depending on the position and development of each member bourgeoisie within these imperialist strategies. Beyond the constant military insecurity faced by the peoples and working classes who are victims of these alliances’ plans—as well as the economic instability affecting the peoples and working classes of these member countries—we can also observe the significance of these various alliances for the profits and monopolies of each bourgeoisie. Indeed, the question of imperialist alliances is not a secondary issue in the contemporary struggle of communist parties, as a bourgeoisie can quickly leave one alliance in favor of another.

While such changes are possible, they involve all economic sectors of the various bourgeoisies, organizing the economies of nations through a dialectical relationship between the national and the international via their actions within the various alliances.

That is why our young, emerging party links the demands to withdraw from NATO and the EU to the strategic goal of the socialist revolution: without committing to the construction of socialism—by building the new workers’ and peasants’ state—the popular strata and the working classes will not be able to put an end to an economy shaped by the interests of the ruling classes and their international alliances. Staged strategies, which advocate withdrawing from various alliances before the social revolution, fail to take into account these material conditions and the central role that monopoly capitalism plays in building vast alliances such as NATO and the EU—alliances that could be replaced in the event of a purely bourgeois withdrawal and that would, in any case, impact the national economy.

Dear comrades,

It is by fighting against and exposing the anti-popular projects of our own bourgeoisies as part of the global imperialist plans of their alliances—while strengthening our practical coordination within the ACE—that awareness of the need to put an end to capitalism will grow, and that a popular political alternative, socialism-communism, will be grasped through the experience of the workers in our various countries, in accordance with their needs, by their communist parties.